The SCE was the example to follow in reform

He did not deserve so much honour. One of these phenomena of crystallization which the France has the secret, contract first engagement (CPE), "Junior" contract variant new hires (CNE), has become a symbol the ability, or inability, of the French society to reform within a few weeks. What destiny for a measure which the Government itself believes that she relates that 10 to 15 of the hirings of less than 26 years, for most of the young people without qualification!

For most of those who express the subject remains CEP and its removal, even if, as often, this claim in translated many others: that of the place of young people in the world of work, the securing of career paths, the role of intermediary bodies... Socially, the cause remains however relatively circumscribed and, from this point of view, little point of comparison with events offers generational dimension of 1968.

Politically, however, CEP has indeed become a question of principle, almost consubstantial the legitimacy of government action. It is in these words, moreover, that the Prime Minister, Dominique de Villepin, poses the debate with the left. "Once again, Mr Holland, you continue to refuse any adaptation of our country", he launched, Wednesday afternoon, to the National Assembly, the first Secretary of the Socialist Party. In short, to oppose the contract first hiring would in particular oppose reform in General, with what the term implies both of progress and of general interest. Many economists, business leaders and politicians, to show the rest concerned the image sent by a restive France to the modernization of its labour market.

Still should be that the CPE is a model for reform action. It is paradoxically the opposite has happened. The SCE was the example to follow in reform. In this case, Dominique de Villepin made slate of the lessons learned from ten years of experience in the matter, all more or less successful. Reform in the sense where it is today, as a necessary adaptation to the realities imposed by globalization, with what this implies a relitigation, painful of acquired social or financial is now fairly well established rules. At the time of first, the method then. Nicolas Sarkozy, President of the UMP, has, for more than five years now, well formalized his thoughts on the time of the reform. It is partisan to front the most difficult sites in the wake of the presidential election, taking advantage of the particular legitimacy conferred by this election. Of which occurred after 2002 including, it is the conviction that he must enjoy in full a few months during which the post-présidentielle window remains open. In the quinquennium, it gives "a year to put reforms in place, four to apply". This doctrine, a former Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin complements of size: the need for "programmer" its sites, both to register them in an overall policy, in other words to give them a meaning, and for not taking the French by surprise, or even reverse, as did Alain Juppe end 1995 with a plan for social security and pensions in reverse, from the campaign of Jacques Chirac. "Policy, it is the science of the time," observes's predecessor, Dominique de Villepin.

Reform of the end of a flawed mandate of two electoral defeats lourdes, the PBS was not, in contrast to the NEC, in the policy speech of June 2005. This does not make it illegitimate, but anxiety-provoking. Especially that, in this case, the case will be was conducted with for any methodological framework that posed the following ten months: "the action and the outcome." As of June 1, Prime Minister thus described his practice of the reform: "I'm so on a daily basis offer a number of initiatives." We'll do it in a spirit of social dialogue but we want to make it fast. "Already, the social dialogue was perceived as a constraint to the urgent need to achieve results.

But, the majority in power was to formalize a method which enabled him, for four years, to carry out decentralization, the relaxation of 35 hours, pensions and health insurance reforms. The right approach was inspired directly from that defined in April 1998 by the Prime Minister Socialist Lionel Jospin about pensions, one of the "3 D": "diagnosis, dialogue and decision." The Raffarin Government has enriched it on two points, the need that the diagnosis is "shared", and that, as the Minister of health Xavier Bertrand entertained, to provide a "service after vote." Here is what in said, in 2003, the UMP Jacques Barrot, European Commissioner today: "first time, is the correct diagnosis, second time, it spends a long time in the dialogue, including to promote a responsible unionism, third time, it was decided and fourth time, it accompanies reform by pursuing a lot of teaching.". This method even was applied to a reform urgently to Medicare, with distinct sequences (installation of a High Council, consultation with the social partners, review in the Parliament, "marketing" of reform).

On the fight against youth unemployment, none of these steps has been met. It has not occurred diagnosis, which would perhaps oriented Government a contract more targeted at the low-skilled young people, nor, a fortiori, sharing. And, assuming that he had the concern, Dominique de Villepin, lack of consultation, has found no support among the social partners, or to the CFDT point, but helped to establish the legitimacy of the reform of pensions or even to the Medef. These observations, the premier objects that, "in France, when we want reform, there is always something wrong: If this is not the form it is the substance and if this is not the bottom, it is the form".

There is a grammar of reform there, according to the word of the Minister of the economy, a "grammar of affairs". In addition to this rule and by linking the future of the reforms of the SCE, the head of the Government takes the risk reduce to nil the balanced methodology made of flexibility and firmness, patiently built by its majority. At the bottom, the best service to make the spirit of reform was to sacrifice the contract first hiring.